Ike A. Offorhttp://therepublicannews.netThe editor is a clinical researcher and scientist by education, entrepreneur, stock trader and author. A prolific writer, who enjoys writing and has some manuscripts waiting for publication. He is also a motivational speaker and social and political activist, helping to empower the youths on various social and political issues. He has very keen interest in politics and governance. He could rightfully be described as a republican.
In an outright condemnation of police brutality and killing of unarmed protesters, members of the U.K Parliament on Monday unanimously called for selected sanctions against Nigerian government officials and military officers who participated in human rights violation during the #EndSARS protest.
The debate which was based on an e-petition calling for sanctions against the Nigerian government signed by over 200,000 was supported by all parliamentarian when it was deliberated at the Westminster Hall on Monday evening.
All chamber members spoke across ideological divides to condemn the U.K. Government for standing neutral while the Nigerian government violated young protesters.
Citing the shootings at Lekki, Oyigbo, Delta as well as the unjust victimization of protesters after the protest and the freezing of protesters accounts, parliamentarians described President Buhari’s administration as nothing short of a dictatorship.
Members agreed that state actors and their family members should not have access to the freedom, liberty and security they deny their citizens at home in the UK.
Ohanaeze names members of Alaigbo Stabilization Fund
By Chris Njoku, Owerri
Imo State leaders picked former Nigeria Ambassador to the United States, Prof. George Obiozor as their consensus candidate for the next president general of the Ohanaeze Ndigbo.
Just as the state Governor Hope Uzodimma warned that Ndigbo would not achieve their desire of becoming the president of the country through confrontation.
Prof Obiozor, who hails from Awo-Omamma in Oru East Local Government Area of Imo State was presented to the State Governor Hope Uzodimma at the Exco Chamber Government House, Owerri, as likely successor of the outgoing President General of Ohanaeze Ndigbo, Chief Nnia Nwodo.
Making the presentation, the Chairman of the Delegation Committee, Chief Emmanuel Iwuanyanwu, said that many candidates indicated their interest to contest for the position, adding that the committee of 200 eminent Imo leaders picked Prof Obiozor because of his vast experience and acceptability.
“Over 200 Imo leaders met to evacuate the candidates we did a very thorough job and found out that Obiozor is the one that can do the job.
Chairman of CAN, Rev. Eches Eches while confirming the candidate said that the churches were involved in the process adding that there was forthrightness in the process of selecting Prof. Obiozor
Eze Sam Ohiri said from the traditional institution, that the job was sort of a challenge to find somebody that would match the qualities of outgoing president general.
“We asked them to submit their CVS and qualities and saw intimidating quality fixations but after scrutiny we found out that Prof. Obiozor was eminently qualified.
One of the contestants and former Inspector General of Police, Mike Okiro said that we decided to pick the best among the best,
All of them were almost qualified but we were looking for the best we were able to spot Prof. Obiozor whose CV was intimidating. We chose him and everybody accepted our choice”.
In his acceptance speech, Prof. Obiozor thanked Imo people and all stakeholders. He said the decision to contest was a decision not based on self-aggrandizement, adding that his most concern was service to the people.
In his response, Governor Uzodimma said that the decision to present a consensus candidate for the organisation is very laudable.
“The decision of the Imo State chapter of Ohanaeze to present the consensus candidate of this organisation is very laudable, I was taken unaware by their actions, I had no choice but to follow their part.
“By constitution it’s the turn of the State to produce the President General, choice of professor Obiozor is welcomed, he is eminently qualified, by his wealth of experience, his adoption is coming at a critical time in the history of Ndigbo in Nigeria.
He advised Ndigbo to go about seeking for Igbo president with diplomacy and shun confrontational means.
“Igbo is beginning to be aggrieved but we can speak with one voice, I thank you for speaking with one voice, every generation has its own challenges, Ndigbo must navigate with wisdom of Solomon, to achieve this we must be diplomatic and accommodating, a point can be achieved without firing a shot in the air, Yoruba did it without war, they did it with diplomacy, Igbo will not go to war but will pursue it with diplomacy,” Uzodimma said. (The Nation)
The United States Mission to Nigeria has celebrated Dr Onyema Ogbuagu, for his role in the development of a COVID – 19 vaccine.
Ogbuagbu, who graduated from the University of Calabar in 2003, migrated to the US and rose to become Associate Professor of Medicine and Infectious Disease Specialist at Yale University.
He was part of the team that helped pharmaceutical company, Pfizer, to develop the vaccine.
In a Facebook and Twitter messages on Monday , the US mission wrote,“ Nigerians contribute to the world in so many ways . Our hats off to Dr Onyema Ogbuagu at Yale who helped develop a COVID – 19 vaccine.”
Ogbuagu is the son of a former Vice -Chancellor of Abia State University, Prof Stella Ogbuagu. He also has a twin brother who is an engineer.
The need for a vaccine has become more urgent globally and nationally with Nigeria recording over 60, 000 COVID – 19 infections and over 1,000 associated fatalities, according to the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control. (Punch)
Fusion has long been the dream in creating low-risk, cheap and green energy.
By Emma Gatten
A nuclear fusion project in China, one of many vying to become the first Nuclear fusion could be a reality within 20 years after the Government’s green plan gave a major boost to British research projects.
Long considered a pipe dream of low-risk, cheap green energy, Nuclear fusion has become a more serious proposition in recent years, with British scientists in the running to be the first to get there.
Fusion works by merging at extremely high temperatures of the nuclei of atoms to form a heavier element, the same process that takes place in the Sun.
The challenge for scientists on Earth has been to produce more energy than they must put in to create the reaction.
It is not to be confused with nuclear fission, where an atom is split sparking a powerful chain reaction that emits a large amount of energy, which can be utilised if controlled in a nuclear reactor.
Boris Johnson is personally invested in the ‘holy grail’ of fusion, last year declaring British scientists to be “on the verge” of success.
While that may have been an exaggeration, scientists at the Tokamak Energy lab in Abingdon, Oxfordshire, believe they are now just years away, and say investment they expect to see from this week’s announcement could make nuclear fusion a real prospect for helping the UK to reach its net zero goals.
“The real hope is that it will bring forward the date,” said David Kingham, the executive vice chairman of Tokamak Energy.
“Five years ago the widely held view was that fusion was going to take at least until 2050 if not much longer to develop and deploy, and we’re now thinking the development can be done in the next ten years, so that towards 2040 it’s starting to have quite a big impact on reducing carbon emissions.”
Technological leaps from an unassuming business park For all its science fiction connotations, the reality of nuclear fusion now comes down to projects like Tokamak, based in an unassuming business park next to a large Asda.
While the European Union’s €20bn Iter project, the largest fusion experiment in the world, has made slow progress, private-led British projects have been lighter on their feet, scaling up slowly, and enabling them to change direction when challenges arise.
The hope is to beat projects in the US and Canada, and make the UK a global pioneer in what could become a key technology of a decarbonised world.
The green strategy promised up to £170 million for ‘advanced modular reactors’ – technology used by Tokamak Energy, which hopes it will see a decent portion of the funding it can then leverage for further private investment.
The Government has its own nuclear fusion project, based at the Culham Centre for Fusion Energy, which also got a mention in this week’s green strategy, having been the recipient of a £222 million investment.
“Fusion is a transformative tech, which if it has a one in 10 shot is probably worth it,” Giles Wilkes, a former economic adviser to Theresa May, said this week.
In contrast, the green plan was relatively cool on big nuclear, with expected support for Sizewell C failing to emerge, after failed attempts to reach agreement between the prime minister, business secretary and the chancellor. (Telegraph)
As a result of the identity imbroglio whether Ikwerre in Rivers State is Igbo of which Gov Nyesom Wike vehemently said Ikwerre isn’t IGBO while making a point in his skirmishes with IPOB recently, Africa Press Chamber decided to republish the article below:
In his paper entitled Obowu Identity Recovery and Rectification in Post-invasion Africa presented before scholars, political leaders, various cultural and professional groups, traditional rulers and government leaders Osuagwu delves into the age long Ikwerre-Igbo identity conflict and the Aro roots of this crisis. He also explains why Port Harcourt and Anioma States were not created in 1991 by the General Ibrahim Babangida regime despite all expectations, as well as why the leader of the Port Harcourt State creation Committee, Senator Obi Wali, was murdered. And, for the first time, disruptive effects of the famous Aba Women Riot in the Igbo heart is also brought to light in this paper. Excerpts: Obowu Identity Recovery and Rectification in Post-invasion Africa
Imperialism is Identity-stripper! Egypt and the Arab Spring
The invasion of Africa, in the last more than one thousand years; first by Arabs, then Europeans has meant the gradual reduction of Africans to corpses; living dead. The identity-stripped and personality-warped is a living dead. Unless one understands this, he would not understand what is wrong with Africa; wrong with us. If we now have bad governance in Africa, not based on the Oma n’achi (the knowledgeable leads) principle, it is because ‘ozu’ are ruling Africa. The post-invasion (after slavery and colonialism) chief problem of Africa is the crisis of identity. Some short stories will illustrate this point. Sometime in 2009, I went for a conference in Morocco. They gave participants a cocktail party at which two bands entertained. One band was Arab, the other Amazigh (Berber). It was clear the Arab band was playing non-African, while Berber band played African music. The Arab band had only men (sharia-compliant!), while the Berber band had males and females, like Africans would. The lead female dancer moved across to where I, the darkest man in the audience of mainly white people, sat and asked me to dance. We danced.
Later I got to understand that the Berbers, 52% of the population, whose culture the Arabs suppress in the name of Islam are intensely nationalistic; pan-Africanist. They would rather identify with black Africa and have an identity than identify with Arabs in the name of Islam and lose their identity. Unless we understand this identity crisis in North Africa, we cannot understand why the so called Arab spring has run into a desert storm.
The Moslem Brotherhood in Egypt, for instance, are salafists; like Boko Haram in Nigeria, who are Arab cultural purists; identity-strippers! They ran into trouble because they are trying to strip others, like Coptic Christians, of their identity. The Egyptian Army intervened to avert a civil war, like President Anwar Sadat did in 1982 and got shot for it.
Aro roots of Ikwere identity crises
In 1991, Babangida regime created new states without creating Igweocha or Port-Harcourt as requested by Igbo people of Rivers State, led by Senators Obi Wali and Francis Ellah. A short while later, I accompanied Mazi Philip Nkwocha, a friend of Obi Wali’s, to visit him at his home in Umuigbo. As Senator Wali saw us enter his house, he shouted at his friend “Phil, what happened?” His friend retorted, in surprise, “Obi about what?” “How come you people asked for Igbo States without including Port-Harcourt?” Wali further asked his perplexed friend. At this point I had to speak up to minimize the confusion. I knew something they both didn’t know.
In 1991 Emeka Omeruah, from Imo State (later Abia), was Military Governor of Enugu State, while Anthony Ogugua, from Anambra (later Enugu) was in Imo State. As the agitation for states heated, these two Governors, quietly, set up a committee to harmonious Igbo demand for States. I was a committee member. Four states were identified; Abia, Anioma, Enugu and Port-Harcourt. Outreach groups were constituted to reach out to the Igbo in the different states. But events were moving so rapidly that the group decided to go with only demands that would not elicit identity confusion. Port-Harcourt was dropped, for this reason, for the Igbo there to do the best they could under the circumstance. Hearing this Senator Wali sat still for a long while, then said “Phil, our gamble about identity has failed! You will buy me three traditional Igbo dresses.
I will attend this year’s Ahiajoku Lecture, and seek to deliver that of next year”. He never made it! He was assassinated a short while later, his friends believed, for his continued Port-Harcourt State creation agitation. When I read later that Dr Wali’s son, Ihunwo, was one of the leaders of the Congress for the Liberation of Ikwerre People, COLIP; an ‘Ikwerre-back-to-Igbo-fold’ youth movement, whose mission is to wean Ikwerre off Biafra-war propaganda, I knew where he was coming from.
Identify-confusion is a horrible disease. Barack Obama’s greatest political strength is his very early decision to be African-American and nothing else. He knew where his father came from; and where his mother came from. Those who pretend in America that they are, socially, half-white and half-black, for example, end up as friends of psychiatrists.
“Our gamble about identity has failed!” That statement, by a man who, a short while later, was murdered; for his just state-creation aspiration, still haunts one to this day. And no one can understand the current crisis in Rivers State without understanding the identity crises there. For instance what it means to be Ijaw, but not Izon or ‘core-Ijaw’. And, to be Igbo-speaking, but not Igbo? Or, in fact, all of the above. Not to talk of Ogoni ‘war-of-all-against-all’.
When I observed to Senator Wali that his person epitomized the Ikwerre identity dilemma; his very village is Umuigbo (Igbo-children/Igbo descendants/Igbo people), but he too claimed not to be Igbo, his response pointed to the great depth of our identity crises. He told us that his problem was not Igbo identity, as such, but Aro-Ikwerre domination. He informed us that he used to attend the Council meeting of the Village deity priesthood with his father. Even as a child, who carried his father’s stool, it struck him that of the seven stools of the Council, the small Aro population in Umuigbo controlled four. That information struck me.
Famous writer, Elechi Amadi, had given me a variant of this Aro-Ikwerre problematic tale in 1985. We had served together on an interview panel at the then Rivers State College of Education, Port-Harcourt. He told me he had no problem with Igbo identity, but had problem when the Aro-Ikwerre, during the Nigeria-Biafra War, plotted to kill him. Now, it seems the Ikwerre suffer from a significantly misdirected anger.
They are, in this case; holding their Isuama-Igbo (Ikwerre, traditionally, distinguished between ‘Ikwerre and Isuama’; not ‘Ikwerre and Igbo’) kinsmen, who are ethically more related to them than to the Aro, accountable for Aro domination.The Early British, before oil became a factor of ethnic classification in the Lower Niger, had a cultural sub-group of the Igbo they called Orratta-Ikwerre (that is Owerri-Ikwerre, in current usage), who, both call the heartland Igbo as Isuama . Ekwensu wu amaghi ihe! The Devil is Ignorance! The solution to our identity crises, then, is ‘Know self, know other!’
Now to consider the Aro a purely Igbo people; and hold Igbo responsible for Aro mischief is the height of identity confusion. One day, the Cross-river Ejegham, who own the Ibini-Ukpabi soul of the Aro system, the Efik who control the social organizational Ekpe; the Ogoja Akpa that supplied the fighters and the Ibibio on whose land Arochukwu was founded will turn around and blame the Igbo, from among whom a few medicine men were coopted, for inventing Ibini-Ukpabi and Aro slavery. That would be a most uncharitable treatment of truth, but the world is a clever place.
That the Aro and Arochukwu have been in the process of Igbonisation, as Dike and Ekejiuba called it, because of the sheer weight of Igbo population and Culture in the neighbourhood, does not alter their fundamental archeology and history as a synthetic people who exist beyond Igboland. Aro exist, physically and culturally, at the very Igbo border (that is why they are called Aro-okeigbo; Igbo-boundary-Aro).
An informed internet site gives the following information on the Aro Confederacy: Created: 1690; Capital: Arochukwu; Official languages: Igbo, Ibibio, Ijaw …etc; …; Dissolved: 1902 (http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Aro_Confederacy). Where, then is the pure ‘Igbo Aro’? Aro sins cannot be visited on the Igbo or Ibibio, who were the chief victims; leaving off the coastal Ijaw and Efiks; who were the ultimate slave-traders, in direct contact with European slavers.
Closer home, and happier; Okenze BG Okonkwo, Obowu Development Association President-General, visited the Abuja branch recently. He was surprised to have some attendant introduce himself as Obowu man from Amachara, Umuopara, in Abia State. Luckily my brother, High-chief BC Osuagwu, whose wife is, logically, High-lolo was present to explain. A branch of our Umuabazu-Umunachi people migrated to Amachara. They, of course, retain the name Umuabazu as the branch of our Umuikwe kindred retains the name Umuikwe at Ogbodi, Umuopara.
As Opara Asonye (father of Dr. MI Okpara) said in an interview, in 1977 “Umuhu and Okaiuga are Ohuhu. My grandfather Onyemobi said we came from Obowu. We all came from Obowu because the names of the villages on both sides are the same.” Former Provost of AICE, Owerri, from Umunwanwa Umuopara, Prof SN Nwosu, had also asserted in a television Interview some years ago, that Umuopara people migrated from Obowu, which explains the presence of my people at Amachara and Ogbodi. Also, my mother’s Ehume Obowu people migrated to form Ehume Umuopara. When the last Eho (totem tree of Eho-ume; Ehume) died, in the early 1950s, I saw them come for the funeral, in long lines, with their celebration guns firing in Uwuwuru-egbe . If we recall; when the British colonial soldiers thought they had defeated Obowu, in 1911, our Mbaloha (Ohuhu and Umuopara) kinsmen started shelling them from across the Imo River to their discomfiture, forcing Britain to negotiate with Obowu. Would their ill-informed descendants come to Obowu’s support today, in similar circumstane? Can we now appreciate the cost of loss of identity-consciousness between us and our Ohuhu/Umuopara kinsmen?
It was not of-course a one way flow of solidarity. Support flowed from Obowu to our Mbaloha kinsmen, too. As Isichei’s Igbo Worlds informs “When we were children, Abam people came to Aguebi-Umuagu … two villages appeared at once with their guns, attacked and finished Abam people. Abam people never escaped each time they strayed into Ohuhu because we are Abam in our own way. In those days, before our people went to war they were prepared by medicinemen … Some of the medicine men came from Mgbowo or Obowo and Ugwueke. The most famous came from Obowo … captains were chosen by the medicine men through a test.” Solidarity of Obowu kinsmen kept Ohuhu free from slave raiders. And later solidarity of Ohuhu helped sustain Obowu dignity in encounter with British colonialism. Identity is everything! No identity, no dignified existence!!
Ezumezu-2013 and Partially failed Obowu Gamble about Identity
When we talked about identity gamble it sounds distant from us. But the clan that is ancestral root to Drs MI Okpara and Sam Mbakwe, Obowu, did indeed gamble about their identity under colonial pressure. Today, Ihitte-Obowu is the only Ihitte in the known universe that pretends to be a proper name, instead of adjective. That is why we are here today; on a pathway to recovery and rectification of Obowu identity. If Obowu youth had their way, Ikenga-Obowu was to drop Obowu and answer Ikenga simplicita . Ihitte was to do likewise. The gamble failed on the Ikenga side; but succeeded on the Ihitte side. What happened?
Ikenga and Ihitte within African Social-structural Binarism
Some people think Obowu was some man; Ikenga his son, Ihitte another (adopted) son, e.tc . That is ridiculous thought, fueled by ignorance of Igbo and African social philosophy.
In introducing myself above, I had shown that Ehume is named after Eho, the tree, which symbolizes an ideology of commitment to life-promotion. Was Eho a man, also? Was Nnachi a man who gave birth to four sons that constitute Umunachi? When Avutu talks of ‘Olengalaba-ama-iteghete’, how many know Umuikwe that I just said are part of Umunachi, Ogbodi, and elsewhere, is one of them. And I said that Nnachi is the ‘Spirit-of-knowledge-driven-wise-governance’; spirit of the philosopher-king, symbolized by the Achi tree. Obowu was not a man; and neither Ikenga nor Ihitte. These are social categories; social communities. Obowu (Obi-owumowu) means the ‘Heartland People or Hometead-of-all’ as we understand it. Ikenga and Ihitte are ‘social moieties’, as Adiele Afigbo called it, that constitute a proper Igbo community. Professor Afigbo made this point in relation to his own hometown, Ihuwe (Ihube, as the Whiteman corrupted it), which also has an Ikenga part and an Ihitte part: “According to the unadulterated version of … oral history, the seven villages of Ihuwe fell into two moieties– Ikenga and Ihitte with Ikenga being the senior moiety and Ihitte the junior moiety”
… Afigbo… Uturu, which neighbours Ihube, is also organized into Ikenga (Ikeagha) and Ihitte. Around the same Okigwe neighbourhood, one finds Ikenga-Aku, Ihitte-Aku, Ikenga-Isiokwe, Ihitte-Isiokwe, etc. Nearer home, Obowu neighbours to the West, is Ezi-na-Ihitte; our Ohuhu kinsmen; across the Imo, are also organized as Ikenga-Ohuhu and Ihitte-Ohuhu. Scholars have long established that every properly established Igbo community is organized in binary moieties of Ikenga/Ihitte, Ezi/Ihitte, Ndiugwu/Ndiagbo, Ndiama/Ndiowerre, etc. The complementary-binary structuring of communities is universal in Igboland.This social-structuring motif is the reason Ikenga-Obowu (alias Obowo LGA) is also organized into two moieties as Ekwerenote/Okwunanso. Furthermore, all the towns of Okwunanso, where I belong, are grouped in pairs; Alike/Amuzi, Umunachi/Avutu, Umuoke/Umulogho. Because seven towns cannot fit into pairs, the left-over town, Okwuoha, is paired with Umuihi on the Ihitte side.
Even though there are four villages in my Umunachi, things are not shared that way. They are shared into two; Ogboghoro-na-Abazu and Uta-na-Awom, to maintain the binary motif. My own Umuabazu, in Umunachi, is organized as Eluama/Agboala (note: Ugwu/Agbo that is the standard in Enugu area exists in Obowu). The interesting thing is that Umuabazu people are back-migrators from Mbaloha (Ohuhu and Umuopara), pressed to come back, as great Dibia (medicine-men), who played key role, in the Obowu cultural, leadership and defense system.
For instance during the Isuama battles, 1911, the British were worried because “There was the report received by Frank Hives that prior to the Final onslaught on Obowu, ‘a strong juju was being prepared’ … ‘strong juju’ was regarded as highest national defense strategy”. So, people that played such key roles, including ‘Ofo’ holders, were usually discouraged from migration. We recall that it was mostly to dibia that Whiteman handed warrants to be chief. Examples are Mgbaja Uwandu of Umunachi and Obasi of Amuzi, who both turned down the offer as ridiculous; infradig to them.
That I, descendant of Osuagwu Nwuku, holder of ‘ Mpiokpu Ikwe ’, who led the Umuabazu returnees back and Umuowom Ehume woman, whose family holds ‘ Ofo-Agwukwu’ Obowu, delivers this lecture today is an indication of the efficacy of the policy of discouraging elite migration (something modern Igbo can learn from). It is, indeed, only Obowu cultural that both Premier MI Okpara and Governor SO Mbakwe were sons of Dibia (note: they both went back to school after holding high office). In any case, some Umuikwe-Umuabazu migrated back to Obowu, with demographic imbalance between them and Umuekete that left Uhuekete in Ndundu, where Avutu poultry now is, to join them. To recreate the imperative ‘two moiety’ socio-structural framework, Umuenwezuo and Umuokereke from Umuikwe had to be excised and joined to Umuekete to form Eluama (this recently led to an identity face-off), while only Umunwuku-Umuikwe formed agboala. Both Nwuku and his father, Ikwe, were great medicine-men.
To understand this Igbo socio-structural motif, we recall that the Igbo equate one to zero … “Ihe foduru otu agwula … remainder one equals zero. Ihe-uwa wu abuo-abuo … the world is populated by binary pairs. Ihe-uwa wu oke-na-nne … the world is populated by males and females (cosmologic origin of fierce African opposition to homosexuality). Ihekwuru, Ihe akwubido ya … nothing stands alone. Indeed Complementary-Binarism is a pan-African cosmologic motif. Ancient Egypt, though under one pharaoh, was structured on the ikenga-ihitte binary motif as ‘Upper and Lower Egypt”, with separate patron deities. And so was the Africa-founded Hebrew nation formed along the motif as Isreal and Judea, in spite of being 12 tribes.
So, there is absolutely nothing special about Ikenga-Obowu and Ihitte-Obowu. It is part of a general Igbo social-structuring model. The Erima Societal System of the Igbo, best developed in the Isuama Igbo heartland, is a nature-imitating, bionic, community. Indeed Obowu would not be founded by an Igbo people without Ikenga and Ihitte; complementary moieties, which would make a natural, stable, community. Community standing, firm, on two legs! How can a system stand on one leg for long?
1929 Women’a Riot and Obowu Identity Watershed, 1929.
There are some features of note on this map. The first is the prominence of the term ‘ISU’ written all-over the Map. The Isu people are the autochthonous Igbo people, whether found at Obowu, Ohaozara, Awka, Igbouzo (Ibusa), Awgu, Etche or Ihechiowa, etc.
Okigwe District was created for the core of the autochthonous Isu called Isuama (which according to the binary socio-structural motif is balanced with Isu-Owerre/Isu-Ohia/Isu-Agu). Until a few years ago, I did not know I was an Isu man; because my Obowu people called our Uboma neighbours ‘Isu’ in contrast to ourselves (e.g. Umuoma-Isu). Books told me, I’m Isuama; like Isu-Ochi, Isu-Ikwuato, Isu-Njaba, Isu-Ngele, etc.
Isuama was the largest formal State structure; with judicial (Ogbunorie), military arms and administrative headquarters (Ezumoha, near Anara, in Mbano) of which Obowu was a part before the British came. It turned out that Obowu, and indeed Etiti Confederacy, from documented evidence, was an Isuama affair; sanctuary and fortification against the Trans-Atlantic Slave. A close look at the map will show ‘Nso’ (Nsu). The term Nso means, literally, joiners; those that follwed. The one on the map is Nso-Uboma. The majority people of Ikenga-Obowu today are also ‘nso’ (Okwunanso). Ekwereazu in Mbaise are also part of the ‘Nso’ group.
These had great medicine men (knowledge experts) as well as fighters. Avutu (un-uprootable; unconquerable), Alike (land of braves) in Obowu; Umuokirika (underminers) in Ekwerazu and Agbaghara (avengers) in Nsu-Uboma were the best fighters (Achara Ogboogu ; invasion-blockers, are also border-fighters, but of Ihitte-Obowu, non-Nso, origin).
It is the pan-Isuama character of the new Obowu (original Obowu was Ekwerenote-Ikenga and Ihitte) that explains the British reports, 1911, that; “From Obowu had gone out the threat that it would be punishable by death for ‘any natives to submit to government (British) rule’. Consequently neighboring villages (Isuama clans) had sent their men and cap-guns to assist Obowu in their struggle”. Not surprisingly, Obowu/Etiti; like under threat from slavery and British colonialism, was the last Biafran fortress; sanctuary of freedom, as Ojukwu’s final headquarters. The physical geography of the territory explains this role.
Finally, we note that on this map Obowu is written twice; northeast and southwest of the Aham-Abadaba water system. There is one Obowu where Ikenga-Obowu is located and another where Ihitte-Obowu is. No name like Ihitte anywhere. 1929 is a watershed date in Obowu (particularly Ihitte) identity and crises. Why?
1929 Women’s War, Juo Onwunali and War of Okonkwos
In 1929 Ogu-umunyanyi , the Women’s War, alias ‘Aba Women’s Riot’, took place. The war was furious in Obowu. The leader of Obowu women in the Women’s war was Akulechura. Akulechura was a woman of Amakohia Ihittte-Obowu. Her historical speech at the Commission of Inquiry following the war, informed the Whiteman that Igbo women think for themselves. The speech, popularized by Gailey’s book The Road to Aba, gave the current worldwide Women’s Liberation Movement their battle-cry ‘ Thinking for Ourselves!’ Said she:
“It has been suggested here that men encouraged women to move about. I deny that statement. It is not true.We were not encouraged by men. … Men had been made to pay tax and the rumour that women were going to be taxed was spread around. Women became infuriated because they had already felt the burden of the tax on men. We acted according to our consciences. There is no law made by men that women should not move about. The matter did not concern men”. Akunechura (Akuura Nwanyi-Amakohia, like my mother would call her); Obowu and African heroine, was probably the last real leader out of Obowu, before the subsisting political night fell on the clan.
The warrant chiefs were the problem. They wanted power and were ready to sacrifice anything, including identity, for it. This is not surprising, as already noted, real Obowu elite; like Mgbaja of Umunachi and Obasi of Amuzi rejected the insolent warrant chief appointments. Some people of questionable integrity and public spirit, and, at times, straight charlatans, efulefu, as to be expected under the circumstance, put themselves forward. Ndorondoro-ochichi ; self-interested struggle for political power, which was alien to the land, had arrived in Obowu.
The tradition was “ O ma n’achi; Nze n’achi ”; the knowledgeable-righteous leads’. Ndinze-Onugaotu (parliament-of-righteous-democrats), that met at Onugaotu, Ehume, led and ruled Obowu before the Whiteman came. These men, Nze-Iyinze , were subjected to the Nze-oath; Iyinze, that involved Isaire ; cleansing of the tongue, to wash-away the tendency to lie. Nze-Iyinze, compared to current Nze-akupe (made by warrant-chiefs by striking fan on their backs) would never lie. They represented Obowu at higher assemblies on the principle of “ Aho ndisi-ala, ha ahogharia onye ha” … a leadership elects its own leadership. After the Women’s War, the British flooded Eastern Nigeria with anthropological scholars, to try to better understand the rebellious people they thought they had conquered to rule, with a view to more effective control. Assistant District Officer NAPG Mackenzie studied Obowu. If we look at the map (Fig.3), we see NC (native court) written between the two Obowus, across Lake Abadaba.
That court (Abadaba Court it was called) was for Ikenga and Ihitte-Obowu. Mackenzie could not understand why during his interview Ihitte chiefs wanted a separate court from Abadaba Court. The issue is simpler, though; Abadaba Court had a fixed number of Warrant-chief Judges. If Ihittte got a separate court, more warrant-chiefs would become customary-court judges and access more bribes. That set the stage for Ihittte-Obowu becoming named simply Ihitte, an adjective.
Perverse effect is the unexpected negative effect of an action intended for good. The Women’s War, glorious as it was, exacerbated Obowu identity crisis in an unexpected way. This was the removal of the most educated and sophisticated warrant-chief in Obowu, Onwunali Obasi of Amuzi. De-stoolment and imprisonment of Onwunali created a vacuum for two less sophisticated, but articulate and ambitious, chiefs; ‘Konkwo Anowi of Umulogho, Ikenga-Obowu and ‘Konkwo Olujie of Umuihi, Ihitte-Obowu to struggle to fill. The process polarized support along the sub-clan lines. ‘Konkwo Olujie bargained for the chiefs of the four Ihitte towns that had relocated to Ikenga; Odenkume, Amanze, Umungwa and Achara, to show solidarity and vote for him. They, particularly his friend Ibe Nkume of Umungwa, disappointed him. They had voted, with the rest of the Ikenga group, for ‘Konkwo Anowi who they thought less unscrupulous. Obowu was split!
Onwunali whose Dibia father, Obasi, turned down the warrant-chieftaincy as below his dignity, took over the role from his uncle, Koriocha, who his father had earlier nominated to the Whiteman; as more worth the time waste, after acquiring the Whiteman’s education and political ways. The Whiteman likeed him and relied on him, as he spoke their language. Obowu, who were not Whiteman’s friends, took note. Ugha ka mma na bekee!; lies are best told in English!
That’s why it was possible for Onwunali to tell his Whiteman friends that his hometown, Amuzi, one of the joiner Okwunanso group, was the ‘head town’ of Obowu. ‘Ma Uwa amarala si Ehume wu Opara!’ but the whole world knows that Ehume is the first son of Obowu; holder of ‘ Ofo-nze-onugaotu ’. When the Commission on the Women’s War asked Obowu people of what they knew about the uprising, to one man, they retorted “Juo Onwunali !”; ‘Ask Onwunali!’ Find out from Onwunali!
His Britannic Majesty’s Commission, on the basis of the overwhelming consensus opinion of witnesses before them, concluded, logically, that Onwunali was behind the uprising and recommended long imprisonment. They sent Onwunali to Port-Harcourt prison, near where they had the seaport to their home. People thought that, because of the seriousness of the crime, they sent Onwunali near the seaport with plans to send him to a harsher penitentiary overseas. In any case, the British, shortly, discovered that Obowu had tricked them into jailing their friend. They granted Onwunali free pardon, and restored him as chief.
Meanwhile the struggle to fill the vacuum, as chairman, his absence in the customary court created had torn Obowu apart along sub-clan lines (Ikenga versus Ihitte). Hence the vehemence with which Ihitte demanded a separate court three years later. Obowu women dealt with the warrant-chiefs, for their iniquities and collaboration with invaders, during the women’s uprising.
They caught ‘Konkwo Olujie, for instance, urinated into his mouth and burnt his house. When Biafra came, later, all prominent Obowu warrant-chiefs, except Onwunali Obasi who, after his ‘Juo Onwunali’ experience, became a just chief from Ikenga and Ogwuegbu Ndegbe, who was naturally a fair enough man for his son to learn and became a justice of Nigeria’s Supreme Court, from Ihitte, were de-stooled for their Whiteman-taught bad rulership and impunity.
The Whiteman imported rulership impunity ( omekome) into Obowu, as all Igboland. Nigeria now has enshrined that in the constitution, yet America from whom we copied, tried President Clinton for the Monica Lewinsky Affair while in office.
This opportunistic customary court problematic of Ihitte-Obowu chiefs came up again a generation later. Around Nigeria’s independence time (1958), the Eastern Nigerian Government decided to close unviable customary courts, to save costs. Ihitte-Obowu chiefs saw the hammer approaching them, and panicked. They quickly went into a secret deal with the chiefs of three of the Ihitte towns (Odenkume, Amanze and Umungwa) that had, in ancient times, renounced the harsh jurisdiction of their patron-deity, Ajala, to join their Ekwerenote kinsmen on the Ikenga side (note: none of the four joined the ‘nso’ Okwunanso group). Chiefs Akaliro of Odenkume, Timothy Njoku of Amanze and Chijioke Emelogu of Umungwa would be reserved three of the seven customary court judgeships on the retained Ihitte Court, if they signed-up. They signed-up. They sent their application to Enugu, without informing their people. Unfortunately, for them, Chief Richard Onyeneho of Ikenga-Obowu was Secretary, Eastern House-of-chiefs at the time, to whose desk their petition landed. Instead of filing their application, Onyeneho summoned Ikenga-Obowu and read it to them. These three chiefs were de-stooled and ostracized in Obowu. Whiteman-made warrant-chiefs have played central roles in the Obowu identity crises.
Finally, looking at the map, one realizes that the term Etiti would lack proper meaning without integral Obowu (Ikenga plus Ihitte) and integral Uboma (Uboma with Nsu). The road from Oriagu in Nsu to Ekeikpa in Amanyi-ama, Ihitte, literally, passes through the boundary (etiti-ala) of Obowu and Uboma. We don’t find ‘Uboma’ on the map, though. Uboma was called Onicha (note: Lowa-Onicha), because the paramount ruler was Chief Osuji of Onicha-Uboma. That is why when the Church Missionary Society (CMS) wanted to build a central primary school for Obowu and Uboma, they build it along the boundary, calling it Onowu ( Onicha + Obowu) Central School. The Roman Catholics also built one called St Joseph, Ihitte-Obowu.
Wankwenkwe and ‘Magicians’: Last Straw that Detached Obowu from Ihitte Obowu Ihitte did not, formally, drop Obowu from their name until the colonially-induced notoriety of Obowu became a serious embarrassment to Obowu youth abroad; in the new Nigerian cities they migrated to. Obowu never surrendered to the British, because they did not know what it meant to surrender to one on the wrong side of Truth-justice, Ogu.
So the British adopted a scorch-earth policy against them … “until the rebels suffer a severe loss by way of men”, as Captain Taylor of the invading British force recommended. Except that men did not mean adult males; women, children as well as adult males were shot at sight. Stealing yams carried death-penalty in traditional Obowu. The British earned that death sentence thousands of times over; they burnt farms, barns and shot animals. The British never understood Obowu’s opposition, as wrote the Colonial Commissioner to the Colonial Secretary “It is difficult to understand the attitude of the natives and the persistent opposition which they offer the (British) government”. How would the British understand? What did Britain know of Erima (the organic/ecological community); what did they know of Onugaotu (consensual democracy of Oha ; the political ALL), what did they know of Ohanawueze (Republicanism), what did they know of the Nwaara; Spirit-of-the-age-grade; Covenant of Shared Breast-milk that made age-grades formidable fighting formations, and what did they know of Ndi-mmiri, Ndu-azu (Right to life of all life)? The Obowu were far too socially advanced for British comprehension. Obowu was in desperate way, in a strange circumstance!
In reaction, Obowu youth became bandits; law and order broke down. They took such age-grade names as Nkume-mgbe-ebighiebi (Rock-of-ages; my father’s age-group), Dike-okaaomee (Braves that deliver on their threats), Dike-meelee! (let-the-mighty-dare-and-see!), etc. The warrant chief was treated as enemy agent. Colonial establishments and clans that had accepted the Whiteman’s rule were raided and property looted. They had a name for themselves ‘Ndi-majik’; the magicians. Many took ‘church’ names; Nelson of Umunachi and Aaron of Ehume were examples. Their English name for themselves, ‘Magicians’, shows that they were a new phenomenon with no basis in Obowu culture.
The clash of the Avutu age-grade, Dike-okaomee, with Warrant-chief Nwosu Ikeagwu can illustrate what the new ‘rulers’ were doing and the Obowu youth perception of and reaction to them.
Nwosu Ikeagwu was warrant-chief for Umunachi/Avutu (before they were separated into two ikputu mba), and like other warrant-chiefs corrupt. He bought a bicycle that ate yams. At intervals he would deflate the tire of his bicycle and summon Umunachi and Avutu to contribute yams to feed the bicycle. Then, he would go in, pump the bicycle and bring it out to show ‘well fed’. He kept doing this, until he ran afoul of Dike-okaomee age-grade and they, calmly, organized and de-stooled him.
The then was that British colonialists sequestered contributory forced-labour from the communities. This was thoroughly hated, fiercely independent Obowu. The warrant-chiefs were the enforcers. In Obowu the age-grade was a traditional labour formation, so the British took advantage. When it came to the turn of Dike-okaomee, Nwosu took money from, and exempted, some of them. Others, who did’t pay, were to go do forced labour. Now, the age-grade is a frame of absolute equality, based on the nwaara; Shared-breast-milk covenant (Available mothers of same age babies would brest-feed all hungry babies, including orphans. This created a sense of common motherhood among age-mates called nwaara ). Partiality within the age-grade would be absolute sin. In theory an age-grade is a commonwealth; so money taken from any member is taken from all. On the appointed day, every member of the age-grade stayed away from work.
Nwosu sent his ‘official list’ of defaulters, and the British summoned them to court, for trial. On the judgment day, all members of the age-grade appeared in court as co-accused. A security issue! In any case, they explained that none of them went to work because Nwosu took money from all of them not to go work. Chief Nwosu became the accused; judged and de-stooled.
Now other chiefs were no better, nor the youth less alienated. Colonial establishments and clans that had accepted the Whiteman’s rule were raided and property looted. This was consistent with the warning Obowu issued to Isuama in 1911. Communities that prospered more under the Whiteman were proportionately more subject to Obowu youth raids and lootings; particularly markets.
Within this climate of anarchy, the Methodist Church established a Bookshop at Umuahia, and news of the novel establishment went abroad. People were visiting the Bookshop on excursion, as tourist site; a palace where packed knowledge was sold. One day an Ihitte-Obowu young man, Wankwenkwe of Nkwumeato, went into the Bookshop, saw the books and decided to pack some away. It was broad daylight looting. The Zik Group of Newspapers carried nation-wide story of an Obowu young man who raided a new Bookshop to steal books he could not read or know what to do with. This story embarrassed Obowu youth, who were jeered at, in the colonial townships. They decided to act. Obowu youth decided that Ikenga-Obowu should excise Obowu from the name and answer Ikenga; Ihitte was to do same and answer Ihitte. In desperation, Obowu youth had decided to abolish their proper names and answer adjectives. Richard Onyeneho, of Umuariam, led the youth to inform Ikenga-Obowu of the new development in clan nomenclature, while David Epeagba led the youth to inform Ihitte-Obowu. The warrant-chiefs having created the framework for an easy-sale in Ihitte, the idea was adopted. It failed in Ikenga because of the intervention of a patriot Obowu people had better come to know better; Biringa Odiotu of umunachi Obowu.
*Odiotu Querry and Obowu Identity.” When Richard Onyeneho presented the case of the youth to their Ikenga-Obowu kinsmen, one of the delegates drew his machete and charged at him, shouting “O wu Ikenga-Eghu k’owu Ikenga-Nkita? … is it Ikenga of goats or of dogs?” The serious question ‘O wu Ihitte-Eghu k’owu Ihitte-Nkita?’ was, apparently, not dealt positively with on the Ihitte-Obowu side, because there was no Biringa Odiotu present, and armed. Ikenga is a function; a subject that must be attached to an object to make sense. Among goats, the mother-goat that exercises leadership is the Ikenga. Among Igbo the side of the community that exercises ritual leadership, holders of the Ofor, is the Ikenga. Ofo Obowu, Ofo-nze-onugaotu , is at Ehume in Ikenga-Obowu, where Obowu ritual activities, including for ihitte end.
That is why it is said of Ajala, the Ihitte-Obowu deity “Ajala ga-elu, ga-Ala ya alakwuru Onugaotu.” Ajala may travel where she may, but must return to Onugaotu (This is in reference to the Mbomuzo (Wiyi high-way cleaning/mending) festival which moves through all the communities, including Ihitte, in turn, but must finally end at Onugaotu, Ehume. Traditionally, some specified parts of the sacrificial animals of the festival will be sent forth from each town for the final festival).
So, Ikenga and Ihitte, kind of adjectives are meaningless without attachment to a proper name they qualify. Biringa would not accept a nonsensical name for a name. Odiotu’s thesis : A name that is not a proper name is not a name at all! That thesis saved the name Obowu from colonial destruction.
But Odiotu’s querry had serious practical implication, too. If Ikenga-Obowu asummed ‘Ikenga’ as name, how would they distinguish themselves from Ikenga-Ogidi or Ikenga-Ihube? How does Ihitte-Obowu, which assumed ‘Ihitte’ as name, today, distinguish themselves from their neighbours that have Ihitte as part of their names; Ihitte-Nsu and Ihitte-Aforukwu?
Odiotu’s querry is relevant for all Obowu people and all others, particularly Africans, with identity crises in the modern world. Whoever answers it correctly will recover and rectify their identity. Identity crisis, as we see from Senator Wali, has a cost.
Today, Ohuhu people recall they came from Obowu, but not specify from Ihitte or Ikenga sides; consistent with the practice when they left, as reflected on map above. As Ihitte remains outside Obowu name umbrella, they forfeit Ohuhu kinship, by default, even when many communities there have Ajala suggesting Ihitte origin. Identity confusion is a costly affair. We must recover and rectify our Obowu identity, so that, for example, our children can, into the far future, enjoy the kind of mutual survival solidarity between us and our Ohuhu/Umuopara kinsmen across the Imo River.
For those who know, such mutual support is still going on. Like, Onyema Ugochukwu at NDDC building the connecting Road between Obowu and Ohuhu or me advise my Golden Guinea brewmaster brother, Chimdindu, to avail MI Okpara’s son, Uzodinma, of business opportunities in their company.
Let Obowu today reflect; on Akulechura’s querry and Biringa’s query! Obowu must Honour Biringa Odiotu and Honour Akulechura, forever. For it is the spirit of heros and heroines that guide a people to, eternally, remain themselves; maintain their identity and retain their personality. A people who are sure of who they are, are sure of a self-controlled future in an ever-mutating world.
Conclusion The post-colonial societal crisis in Africa is, significantly, a crisis-of-identity. Obowu as Igboland and all Africa is afflicted with this crisis. Obowu, a standard Igbo community, exists in two moieties; Ikenga and Ihitte. British colonial pressures led to Obowu socio-economic and identity crises. Rejecting British colonial authority, the youth turned Obowu into a realm of significant lawlessness. Obowu degenerated from marshal of the Isuama, core Igboland, people before British invasion to notoriety. In embarrassment Ihitte-Obowu excised Obowu from her name, becoming the only community in Igboland to answer Ihitte as proper name. With independence from Britain struggle, Obowu recovered her old socio-political rhythm; producing from her roots some of the best leaders; heroes and heroines Eastern Nigeria has had in modern times.
Obowu, and her Etiti confederates, in recovery, have also earned the admiration of others such that former Biafran leader, General Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu could say, in 2002, “They tell me the best things in Igboland come from Etiti; I, also, am from Etiti”. This paper is part of a movement for Obowu identity recovery and rectification, which hopes to set the pace for other peoples of Igboland and Africa. We should expand the discourse in an organic fashion. We should talk next with our Uboma (including Nsu) confederates, then our Ohuhu and Umuopara (Mbaloha) kinsmen, followed by Ezumoha-Isuama, all-Igbo and, then, all Africa (including African Diaspora). The self-unconscious is living-dead, Ozu . Let us self-know to livealive . NDU M IKENGA NDU M IHITTE.
Prof. Chidi Osuagwu of the Federal University of Technology, Owerri, Imo State, at this year’s Ezumezu Lecture, a colloquium organized by the Obowu Development Association (Federated), on the 16th of August, in Obowo, discuses identity crisis with its debilitating effects in Africa and Nigeria.
‘To this day, many people in Nigeria think I killed him.’
That was the opening line in the riveting account of the last hour of the late Bashorun Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola as told by Ambassador Susan Rice. She was one of the visiting American diplomats in whose presence the presumed winner of the 1993 presidential election died on 7th July 1998. More significantly, Rice was the one who served Abiola the famous last tea. For the past 22 years, the former National Security Adviser to President Barack Obama has refrained from speaking on what exactly happened that day. But in her memoir, “TOUGH LOVE: My story of the things worth fighting for”, Rice recounts not only how Abiola died but also confirmed the street gossip about the last hour of the late General Sani Abacha.
In the memoir, Rice also recounts how she was conceived in Lagos during the two years her parents spent in Nigeria at a time her father was helping in the establishment of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) after independence. As the American diplomat with Africa as her brief, Rice also recalls many of the crises on the continent, especially the one that eventually led to the death of Col Muammar Ghadafi in Libya and the encounters she had at different times with African leaders, including former President Olusegun Obasanjo who on one occasion was “nonchalantly hurling well-picked chicken bones—much to our amusement—backward over his shoulders across the presidential suite.” Now, let’s begin with the story of one of the most momentous periods in Nigeria’s political history from Rice, a former US Ambassador to the United Nations: The death of Abacha and Abiola.
In early July 1998, I traveled to Nigeria with Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs Tom Pickering, who was then among the most senior career Foreign Service Officers. As assistant secretary of state for African Affairs, I had gotten to know Pickering, my immediate boss, as a wise, fast-talking, and deeply knowledgeable diplomat. Having served as ambassador to six major countries and the United Nations, Pickering had seen and heard almost everything. The purpose of our trip to Nigeria was to encourage a responsible political transition. The nasty former dictator, Sani Abacha, had died a month earlier in the company of prostitutes. Viagra was reportedly involved. His interim successor was a moderate leader, Abdulsalami Abubakar, who hoped to shepherd Nigeria through a democratic election to select its new leader.
A primary objective of our visit was to meet the wrongfully imprisoned opposition leader, Moshood Abiola. He was the presumed winner of Nigeria’s 1993 election, but the results were annulled, and he was later arrested. We hoped to negotiate his freedom so that he could participate in the upcoming election.
Along with Pickering and U.S ambassador to Nigeria Bill Twadell, I met Mr. Abiola in an austere government guesthouse on the vast presidential complex in the capital, Abuja. A large and imposing man, Abiola came with his minder shortly after we arrived. Pickering, a former ambassador to Nigeria, knew Abiola from years past and greeted him warmly. Abiola, robust and happy to see us, sat on the couch and began to tell us how poorly he had been treated during his four years in prison. He was wearing sandals and multilayered traditional Nigerian dress. I noted that his ankles were swollen.
About five minutes into the conversation, Abiola started to cough, at first mildly and intermittently, and then wrackingly with consistency. He said he was hot, so I asked his dutiful minder, “Please turn up the air-conditioning.” Noticing a tea service on the table between us, I offered Abiola, “Would you like some tea to help calm your cough?”
“Yes,” he said, with appreciation, and I poured him a cup. He sipped it, but continued coughing. Increasingly uncomfortable, Abiola removed his outer layer, leaving one layer on top. I shot Pickering a worried glance.
The coughing became dramatic. I told the assembled men, “I think we better call for a doctor.” No one argued. The minder immediately placed the call. Abiola asked to be excused and went into the bathroom of our meeting room. When he emerged, he was bare-chested and sweating profusely, barely able to talk. He lay down on the couch writhing and then rolled facedown onto the floor. The doctor arrived promptly, took a quick look at him, and declared that Abiola was having a heart attack and must be transported to the hospital immediately. The men labored to lift the heavy Abiola into a small car, and we rushed to the nearby, rudimentary presidential hospital. I grabbed his eye-glasses off of a side table where he left them, his only belonging, thinking of his daughter Hafsat in the U.S whom I’d met before we left. The doctors worked on him, furiously, but within an hour they pronounced him dead.
We braced for violence. Abiola’s sudden and mysterious death would hit like a bombshell in Nigeria’s political tinderbox. Conspiracy theories would spread like metastatic cancer. Serious unrest throughout Nigeria was possible. Washington would hyperventilate, since it’s not every day a major figure drops dead with senior U.S officials. His family would need to be told. And, urgently, Nigeria’s acting president would have to hear directly from us, even though his minister was present at the hospital and knew how it went down.
Ambassador Twadell panicked and urged me and Pickering to rush to the airport and leave the country immediately. “Hell no,” we said. This delicate situation required deft management, not a hurried exit in a cloud of suspicion.
Right away, I called National Security Advisor Sandy Berger, my former boss, briefed him, and dictated a White House press release. Then we went to the Nigerian presidential palace to relay the entire drama to the acting president. We urged him to issue a careful statement to announce the establishment of an autopsy by international experts, in order to quell rife speculation and limit the potential violence. The acting president did both.
Next, Pickering, Twadell, and I went with former Nigerian Foreign Minister Baba Kingibe to see Abiola’s wives and daughters. All of us walked in together, but soon I realized that I was effectively alone in the room with these distraught women. The men had hung far back and left the job to me—just like the pouring of the tea. I proceeded to explain that their husband/father was dead. He had died of an apparent heart attack that began in our meeting. The doctors did all they could to save him but could not. The ladies’ wailing was so intense, it haunts me to this day.
We briefed the press, and I returned to the U.S embassy to write the official cable to report what had happened. As a senior official, I almost never wrote up cables summarizing meetings but in this case there was no more efficient way to ensure we got this very important history straight.
As I was typing, I heard in the distance on the CNN a familiar voice of indignation. It was none other than the Reverend Jesse Jackson, then serving as President Clinton’s special envoy for the promotion of democracy in Africa. Reverend Jackson served capably in this role, and with good intentions, but on this occasion, I could have throttled him. He was riffling about how Abiola died under suspicious circumstances in a meeting with U.S. officials. I could not believe my ears—our own guy implying we were killers! Immediately, I placed a call to his longtime aide Yuri and asked them to shut the Reverend down. “Please, just get him off the set.” That happened, even as I was still watching the segment.
We stayed overnight in Nigeria to try to calm things, offer any needed assistance to the government, and make an orderly departure. Fortunately, despite deep public upset, no significant violence occurred. The autopsy eventually confirmed the cause of death as a heart attack. Nonetheless, it was Nigeria where conspiracy theories abound. The most popular, which still has currency over twenty years later, is that I killed Abiola by pouring him poisoned tea.
From that experience, I found that being a woman policymaker comes with unique hazards. The men would not have offered, much less thought, to pour the tea. They may have swiftly called for a doctor. They may not have been able to break the bad news to the wives. Not for the first time, it was I, not they, who took the public fall for a crime nobody committed.
NOTE: Rice also wrote a brief on her Nigerian connection:
Almost immediately after their wedding, my parents moved to Lagos, Nigeria, where Dad had been sent by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) as a research advisor to help establish the Central Bank of Nigeria in the wake of the country’s independence. Mom took leave from the College Board and worked for the Ford Foundation as an educational specialist for West Africa. Their two years in Nigeria, punctuated by travel around West Africa and Europe, were, by all accounts, enjoyable. They amassed an impressive collection of Nigerian art, including valuable sculptures that were a visual fixture of my upbringing. I was conceived in Nigeria. Toward the end of their stay, Mom became pregnant with me, and I have long amused myself with the hypothesis that my origins in Nigeria, combined with my Irish and Jamaican ancestors, explain a lot both about my temperament and attraction to all things international. (Factnote)
Former President Jerry John Rawlings is dead, The Republican News can authoritatively confirm.
The former president The Republican News understands passed on, today, November 12, 2020, after a brief illness.
According to state-owned Daily Graphic, the former President had been on admission at the Korle Bu Teaching Hospital for about a week for an undisclosed ailment. He was 73.
It will be recalled that Mr Rawlings recently lost and buried his mother last month.
Jerry John Rawlings was born in Accra on 22nd June 1947, to a Ghanaian mother from Dzelukope, near Keta, in the Volta Region, and a Scottish father.
Background of Rawlings
Jerry John Rawlings was born in Accra on 22nd June 1947, to a Ghanaian mother from Dzelukope, near Keta, in the Volta Region, and a Scottish father.
He was educated at Achimota School where he obtained his General Certificate of Education ‘O’ Level in 1966.
He enlisted as a Flight Cadet in the Ghana Air Force in August 1967, and was subsequently selected for officer cadet training at the Ghana Military Academy and Training School, Teshie, in Accra.
In March 1968, he was posted to Takoradi in the Western Region to continue his course.
He passed out in January 1969, as a commissioned Pilot Officer. He won the coveted “Speed Bird Trophy” as the best cadet in flying and airmanship.
He earned the rank of Flight-Lieutenant in April 1978. He was an efficient officer with a close rapport with his men.null
During his service with the Ghana Air Force, he witnessed the deterioration of discipline and morale, reflecting the corruption of the regime of the Supreme Military Council (SMC) at that time.
As promotion brought him into contact with the privileged classes and their social values, his awareness of the injustices in society was sharpened.
He was thus regarded with some unease by the SMC. He read widely and discussed social and political ideas with a growing circle of like-minded friends and colleagues.
On May 28, 1979, Flt.-Lt. Rawlings, together with six others, appeared before a General Court Martial in Accra, charged with leading a mutiny of junior officers and men of the Ghana Armed Forces on 15th May, 1979. There was strong public reaction, especially after his statement had been read in court, explaining the social injustices that had prompted him to act.
The ranks of the Armed Forces, in particular, expressed deep sympathy with his stated aims. When he was scheduled for another court appearance on 4th June, 1979, Flt.-Lt. Rawlings was sprung from custody. With the support of both military and civilians, he led a revolt, which decisively ousted the Supreme Military Council from office and brought the Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC) into being.null
The AFRC, under the chairmanship of Flt.Lt. Rawlings carried out a “house-cleaning exercise” aimed at purging the Armed Forces and society at large of corruption and graft as well as restoring a sense of moral responsibility and the principles of accountability and probity in public life.
Meanwhile, following the programme already set in motion before the 4th June Uprising for civilian administration, general elections were held.
On 24th September 1979, the AFRC handed over to the civilian Government of the People’s National Party (PNP) under President Hilla Limann.
On 31st December 1981, Flt. Lt. Rawlings led a section of the Armed Forces to overthrow the PNP administration. A Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC), composed of both civilian and military members, was established, with Flt-Lt. J.J. Rawlings as the Chairman.
His interests include reading, building model aircraft, horse-riding and swimming. He is married to Nana Konadu Agyeman-Rawlings with whom he has four children – three girls and a boy.null
Flt-Lt. Rawlings ceased to be a member of the Ghana Armed Forces with effect from September 14, 1992. He formed the National Democratic Congress, which contested and won the 1992 Presidential and Parliamentary elections. He and the party again won the 1996 elections.
His term of office ended in the year 2000.
He is the joint recipient of the 1993 World Hunger Prize. He holds an Honorary Doctor of Law Degree from Medgar Evers College, City University of New York and Lincoln University Doctorate Degree for Diplomacy and Development.
Northern Elders Forum, NEF, have said they were aware of alleged attempts by some politicians interested in contesting the 2023 presidential election to weaken the North on many fronts in the aftermath of #EndSARS protest.
The Forum also said it had credible information about an alleged plan to force restructuring on the North under the guise of ending the agitation against bad governance in the country.
NEF’s Director, Publicity and Advocacy, Dr. Hakeem Baba-Ahmed, in a statement on Wednesday night, said that the North was capable of identifying and protecting its own interests, and would neither be blackmailed nor intimidated into accepting restructuring as a means to higher standards of justice, better security, and progress for all Nigerians.
He said, “The Forum is aware of attempts to weaken the North by interests that believe that this is their only path to success in the 2023 elections.
“These interests should know that the North will neither be blackmailed nor intimidated, and we are quite capable of identifying and protecting our own interests.
“Some of these interests seek to exploit our plural nature and deepen what they see as divisions. They will fail, because northerners know that what unites us is a lot stronger than what divides us.
“Others create the impression that the North is opposed to the country being restructured along lines that will improve the quality of our union, ensure higher standards of justice, better security and progress for all Nigerians. These too will fail.
“The North is ready to discuss all elements of our co-existence, but will not be stampeded into submitting to other interests who feel uncomfortable with a strong and united North, or blackmailing us to adopt their versions of our future.”
NEF also said it was disappointed that last week’s meeting in Kaduna by Northern Governors, high-level federal government officials and traditional rulers barely made mention of the insecurity of communities within the region The elders said the focus of the meeting on the potential for abuse of social media platforms and the possibility of hoodlums hijacking the #EndSARS protest in many cities of the south was uncalled for.
Baba-Ahmed said, “That meeting missed a historic opportunity to acknowledge that northern communities are in dire need of improved security, and to give firm and specific assurances that our leaders care about northern lives and will take steps to protect us.
“We took particular note of the pivotal roles of governors and traditional rulers at that meeting, leaders who are thoroughly familiar with daily assaults by insurgents, bandits and kidnappers on northerners.
“These are leaders who should have understood the high hopes which northerners attached to a meeting of that nature in Kaduna, and they should understand that the impression left by that meeting and the frenzy of activities in parts of the south involving some northern leaders to show sympathy for damage from hoodlums leaves only one conclusion in the mind of northerners: northern lives do not matter.”
The Forum noted the efforts of President Muhammadu Buhari to improve engagements with northern leaders, and hoped that these will not be public relations stunts in place of real efforts aimed at improving the security of the region.
“The Forum advises the President and Governors to engage a broad spectrum of leaders, elders and the young in the North to contribute to an appreciation of the dangers which our communities live with on a daily basis, and enlist them as partners in the search for solutions,” the statement added.
Meanwhile, the Northern elders paid tribute to its Director-General, Dr Yima Sen, who died recently, describing his services to the Forum as invaluable.
The Governor of Ebonyi State, Dave Umahi, told the national leadership of the Peoples Democratic Party in Abuja on Tuesday that he was leaving the party.
He said he would join the ruling All Progressives Congress which he claimed would protect the interest of the South-East in the 2023 elections.
Our correspondent gathered that Umahi told the members of the National Working Committee of the PDP that his decision to join the APC was irrevocable.null
The members of the PDP NWC, who were led to the meeting by its National Chairman, Prince Uche Secondus, were said to have tried in vain to convince the governor not to abandon the party.
Apart from Secondus, among those that were at the meeting at the Ebonyi Governor’s Lodge in Abuja were Deputy National Secretary, Agbo Emmanuel; National Organising Secretary, Austin Akobondu; Financial Secretary, Abdullahi Maibasira; National Women Leader, Mariya Waziri and Senator Sulieman Nazif.
The governor was said to be friendly when he received the PDP delegation, but stuck to his decision to leave the PDP when the issue came up.
It was gathered that the PDP delegation impressed it upon the governor that there was no need leaving the PDP for the APC, which they argued had become unpopular.
Sources at the meeting, however, said the governor was not convinced, insisting that the APC was planning to zone the 2023 Presidency to the South-East.
He was said to have promised to stay in the PDP if the party could make a pronouncement that it would zone the Presidency to the same
One of the sources said, “I think his (governor’s) mind was made up. We told him there was no need for him to abandon the party that had made him a deputy governor, state chairman of the party, two-time governor and all that. But he refused.
“He wanted us to unilaterally zone the office of the Presidency to his area. We cannot do that. Parties are not run that way. He told us he was leaving. That is what we got from him.’’
When contacted, Secondus confirmed that the party’s leadership met with Umahi.
He, however, refused to declared the details of the meeting, insisting that the meeting was on ‘‘national issues.’’
The Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC), responsible for the incorporation of organisations and businesses in Nigeria, has announced the cancellation of the registration of Enough is Enough, a business organisation linked to one of the leaders of the #EndSARS protest.
“Further to cancellation of the Business Name registration “Enough is Enough BN 2210728”, the Corporate Affairs Commission wishes to inform the public that the proprietors of the cancelled Business name are: OPAYEMI ADAMOLEKUN and BISOLA EDUN,” the CAC wrote Wednesday afternoon.
“The name was cancelled based on the provisions of section 579 (2) of the Companies and Allied Matters Act (CAMA).” Ms Adamolekun, an activist, is the head of a non-governmental organisation, EiE, and is believed to be, alongside the NGO, the main target of the CAC.
The EiE, also called Enough is Enough Nigeria, began operations in January 2011 but was formally registered in July 2012. The organisation has advocated against human rights violations in the past and actively participated in the #EndSARS protest against police brutality and the excesses of its Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS).
The CAC first announced its decision on Tuesday. In a couple of tweets on Tuesday evening, the CAC announced the de-registration of the business, with immediate effect, stating that the name is deceptive. “Based on the provisions of Section 579 (2) of the Companies and Allied Matters Act, (CAMA), the Corporate Affairs Commission has cancelled the registration of the Business name “Enough is Enough BN 2210728” with immediate effect.”
The above section provides, amongst others, that the commission has the power to cancel the registration of a Business Name where the name is “deceptive or objectionable.” According to the government agency, EiE was registered in 2012 to engage in General Contracts, Sales of Sport Equipment/Promotion but has “deviated from its main objectives over the course of time.”
“Consequently, the Commission has removed it from its database and advised the proprietors to surrender the certificate earlier issued to them,” the statement read. The CAC, however, showed no evidence that the Enough is Enough business deviated from its registration purpose.
Separate registration Checks by PREMIUM TIMES, however, show that the deregistered business was registered separately from the EiE. The business cancelled has the registration certificate number (RC) 2210728 and was registered on June 4, 2012, while the NGO was registered as a company limited by guarantee and has its RC as 1047750 and was registered a month later. The EiE clarified its status in a tweet. The human rights organisation said it was registered as “The EiE Project Ltd/Gte” with RC 1047750 as against what was circulated by CAC. “A big thank you to those who have reached out & spoken up for us!” the organisation wrote on Twitter, attaching its certificate.
Discrepancies Although the CAC has before now notified the public about organisations with erroneous registration, this is the first time it is sharing the details across its social media platforms. Also, the Personal Assistant to President Muhammadu Buhari on new media, Bashir Ahmad, tweeted about the de-registration, suggesting it was something supported or being monitored by the presidency.
“The CAC Nigeria has cancelled the registration of the Business Name ‘Enough is Enough’ with immediate effect. The EiE which was registered in 2012 to engage in General Contracts, Sales of Sport Equipment deviated from its main objectives over the cause of time, the CAC tweeted,” Mr Ahmad on Twitter.
However, checks revealed that the commission may have used a repealed law to deregister the organisation. The CAC referenced section 579(2) of the old Companies and Allied Matters Act 1990 (and its amendments), which has been repealed by section 869(1) of the extant Companies and Allied Matters Act 2020, which was signed by the President on 7 August 2020. The new law came into force on that day. “Subject to the provision of this section, the Companies and Allied Matters (Amendment) Act 1990, the Companies and Allied Matters (Amendment) Act, 1991, the Companies and Allied Matten (Amendment Act, 1992 are, on the commencement of this Act, repealed,” the new law says.
Nonetheless, when contacted for clarification, Laraba Shuaibu, the spokesperson of the CAC she said she is not aware of the de-registration of any company. “I’m not aware of it,” she said via telephone.
Clampdown? The de-registration comes at a time the federal government has taken repressive actions against protesters and promoters of the #EndSARS campaign. Recently, the passport of a lawyer, Modupe Odele, was seized by the Nigeria Immigration Service (NIS), preventing her from travelling abroad. It was returned days after the service said it has concluded its investigations. Also, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) obtained an ex parte order to freeze the accounts of 20 individuals and an organisation linked to the #EndSARS campaign.
According to details of the order obtained by PREMIUM TIMES, the request, filed by the apex bank on October 20, was granted by Ahmed Mohammed, a judge. The court order was addressed to the head offices of Access Bank, Fidelity Bank, First Bank Nigeria, Guaranty Trust Bank, United Bank of Africa, and Zenith Bank. Amongst those affected are Bolatito Racheal Oduala, Chima David Ibebunjoh, Mary Doose Kpengwa, Saadat Temitope Bibi, Bassey Victor Israel, Wisdom Busaosowo Obi, Nicholas Ikhalea Osazele, Ebere Idibie, Akintomide Lanre Yusuf, Uhuo Ezenwanyi Promise and Mosopefoluwa Odeseye. Gatefield Nigeria Limited, owners of Gatefield, an advocacy group that supported the media coverage of the protest by providing funds to journalists, had its Access Bank account frozen.
In addition, several persons have been illegally detained by the police in Lagos, Osun and the FCT without trial. These actions have, however, been largely condemned by activists and legal experts across the country. (Premium Times)